Kaminski: For your freedom and ours

Wasinhton, 18th February 2010

Speaking last night to the Heritage Foundation in Washington DC, European Conservatives and Reformists chairman, Michal Kaminski MEP, called for a renaissance of the transatlantic alliance to meet renewed challenges to freedom and liberty.

He said:

"It is an extraordinary pleasure and privilege to speak to you at the Heritage Foundation, and particularly to be speaking at a centre named after one of the inspirations of my political life  – Margaret Thatcher.

Heritage is an organization dedicated to the principles of freedom, opportunity, prosperity, and civil society.  These are also the virtues upon which our transatlantic alliance is built and it is about the future of our alliance that I wish to speak today. I would like to share with you my views on just a few of the key strategic challenges facing our nations, and perhaps set out how I hope our new political group in the European Parliament, the European Conservatives and Reformists which I have the honour to lead, will assist with the regeneration of our enduring bond.

Our Group in the European Parliament was formed last July to ensure the cause of individual freedom and a small state had a powerful voice in Brussels. One of our group's most important principles is to support the transatlantic alliance. This is why the first overseas visit of its parliamentary leadership is to DC: to let it be known that there is a new group in the European Parliament and that the American people have no stronger ally in the European Union.

This year, we marked the 20th anniversary of the fall of the Iron Curtain and the rebirth of freedom in Central and Eastern Europe. On this occasion, we were reminded of the successful defence of freedom against communism championed by Ronald Reagan and Margaret Thatcher which finally brought the Soviet Union to its knees, and allowed people to seize the opportunity to regain their freedom.

The clash of ideologies between freedom and communism was finally brought to an end.

But because the Cold War had dominated political thinking in the West for two generations, I think many had lost sight of the fact that the battle for freedom was not limited to the Second World War and the four decades which followed. It had begun earlier and did not end in 1989.

We have too easily forgotten the earlier struggles against the Soviet Union and these earlier efforts to combat tyranny on our Continent.

I believe that we should all remember that American pilots such Merian C. Cooper and Cedric Fauntleroy volunteered during the Polish-Soviet War between 1919 and 1921 and - as pilots of the Kościuszko Squadron - fought gallantly against the Bolsheviks.

During the Second World War, when our nations we called upon again to join together to defend freedom, the legacy of that squadron was upheld in the Battle of Britain: Squadron 303 (the Kościuszko squadron) was the best-ranked RAF unit. Serving in that fighter squadron was Czech pilot Josef František, first among the aces of the Battle of Britain. These men - American, Czech, British and Polish - exemplify the clear historical bonds that the countries in our new group in Brussels already enjoy. We bring together countries that are no strangers to cooperation.

However, this cooperation was abruptly ended in the aftermath of the Second World War when half of our continent was enslaved and bound by the shackles of Communism.

This division has left a legacy today which I believe can be seen in the differing reactions across Europe to the end of the Cold War.

For many, it seemed as if the battle for freedom had been won in 1989. We could celebrate and move on. The historic alliance between Europe and America was no longer required. We had nothing to fear of Russia, China or the Middle East. Economic progress would help these countries reform and we would all follow a similar path to liberal democracy. In a so-called 'multi-polar world' there would be no need for Europeans and Americans to be united

This dangerous wishful thinking is particular strong amongst left wing politicians in what Secretary of Defense Rumsfeld referred to as “Old” Europe. Whether we like it or not, our historical experience is at least partly responsible for the differing perceptions of the world today.  Many of those whose countries were liberated in 1944-45 seem to have forgotten the enormous sacrifice made by Americans in the cause of freedom. Perhaps if the whole of Europe had fallen to the Soviet Empire we would all share a common perception of the role of the United States as a power for good in international affairs. But sadly for many in the west of our continent, liberty and democracy are just taken for granted. They have grown complacent. As a result they have fallen victim to an anti-Americanism which seeks to undermine the leadership role that the United States has to play in the world.

Our Group rejects this naive world view. We believe that the need to defend freedom has not ended. We believe that the west remains engaged in a clash of ideologies - communism may have been defeated but we face the twin threats of jihadism and authoritarian capitalism.

We strive to create a Europe where our nations defend our common values and cooperate for mutual benefit, but rather than looking inwards upon ourselves as much of leftwing ‘Old’ Europe has done in recent years, our recent history has led us to believe in a Europe that looks outwards – and particularly westwards. We intend to draw upon our positive experiences of American leadership in the last century to ensure that the left in ‘old’ Europe does not, in the next century, drag us away from those partners to whom we owe our freedom.

In the Prague Declaration, which founded the European Conservatives and Reformists Group, we noted the overriding value of the transatlantic security relationship in a revitalized NATO. We believe that the United States is indispensable to Europe's security. There is no reason to replace the North Atlantic Alliance with any other security structure. NATO is not an abstract agreement but a beacon of our common purpose and values.

This is where our group’s position will strengthen the transatlantic alliance. The EU does not need further integration, it needs fundamental reform. We need to be clear about the areas where the EU has competence – over the single market, trade policy, energy security and other policy fields where we have mutual interests – but it needs to leave the rest to the member states. Our group is championing wholesale reform of the EU to make it simpler and more transparent, and to move decision-making closer to the people.

We want all of the institutions of the European Union to prioritise relations with the United States and to foster these ties responsibly. We were dismayed to see the new powers gained by the European Parliament in the Lisbon Treaty used to strike down a crucial EU-US counter-terrorism measure, commonly known as the Swift agreement. The European Parliament sadly showed last week during the Swift discussions that it cannot yet handle its new powers in a sober and responsible manner. This is something we will seek to change.

We are told by some that the United States would find it easier to deal with Europe if it spoke with a single voice - to answer the question allegedly put by Kissinger: ‘when the President wants to speak to Europe, who does he call’? Well, right now you would probably have to call about four different numbers: Ashton, Van Rompuy, Barroso, and the Spanish presidency…so I suggest you call them collect.....

Let me make the position of my group clear: we support the idea that the nations of Europe should speak with a common voice on the key issues of the day where this is possible - not least as committed partners of the United States. But we completely reject any attempt to impose a single voice on the states of Europe through some kind of centralised federal superstate.

I believe that our vision of a leaner, more efficient EU would be a far better partner for the USA than a cumbersome, bureaucratic, backward-looking EU.

So our vision for institutional reform of the EU will make it easier for the US administration to do business in Europe. But we also want to make it easier for US enterprise to do business there too. I believe that our group’s policy platform – individualism, free enterprise, free trade and fair competition, minimal regulation, lower taxation, and small government – act as the ultimate catalyst for strengthening our alliance through trade. With the economic crisis, now is the time – more than ever - to display our conservative values that would enable dynamic entrepreneurs and successful businesses to rebuild our economies.

Our founding principles also underline our support for young democracies across Europe and in achieving these goals we need for the USA to continue to be devoted to the spread of democracy from the Baltic to the Black Sea. We must work together to keep guard over our vulnerable partners in Eastern Europe. Russia's brand of authoritarian capitalism is a challenge to the West. Using different methods of intimidation, the Kremlin continues to put pressure on its neighbours and seeks to reacquire what it considers its sphere of influence as the "near abroad".

The European Union still does not yet understand the danger. In the name of better relations with Russia it all too frequently chooses to look the other way. Today, the EU bemoans the lack of solidarity in our energy security, but projects like the Nord Stream pipeline are shamelessly pursued. This poses a threat to national security – not only to EU members that offer gas flow transit – but to countries like Ukraine, which have become hostages of Gazprom. Russia's treatment of Georgia has echoes of the 1930s: the support for separatist movements, the undermining of a sovereign state, the military provocation, and ultimately the unilateral attempt to re-draw its borders. We need Washington to be involved in Central and Eastern Europe and to support all nations on our eastern borders that aspire to be members of the EU.

The common threat from fundamentalist regimes in the Middle East and their terrorist wing in the so-called jihad movement is a common threat we must overcome.

Tehran continues to encourage, equip, and fund terrorism throughout the region and to destabilize this vulnerable area. The Iranian nuclear challenge is, in my opinion, the toughest test of our resolve since at least 1989. The EU can and should play a role in standing shoulder-to-shoulder with the US administration in sending the strongest possible message – including the use of economic sanctions – that we will not allow Iran to develop nuclear weaponry. We need to be clear that we want a friendly and peaceful dialogue with Tehran, but that we are more than prepared to back up our rhetoric with action – and let me be clear: we should not exclude the military option if absolutely necessary.

We must have two guiding principles in shaping our policy in the Middle East. First, we must be resolute in our support for the only mature democracy and reliable partner in the region: Israel. We must not and will not tolerate any threats to its existence.

Second, we must support all those mainstream moderate forces in the region who believe, as we do, that there is no inherent contradiction between democratic and Islamic values - quite the reverse. We stand opposed to the way extremists distort the message of Islam to further their own totalitarian ends. This is why we must do all in our power to ensure Iraq flourishes and to encourage friendly neighbours down the path of further reform. And just beyond the region, it is why must ensure that we win the fight in Afghanistan and Pakistan. These are not 'quarrels in far away countries between people of whom we know nothing' - they are on the frontline of the struggle for freedom today.

There are many challenges that face our two continents and I have outlined just the main ones today. There are many more than time permits me, but in all the challenges, there is a common thread: the need for a united front among Western nations – not just the USA and the EU but peace-loving free nations around the world. Our new group is different because we do not see the transatlantic alliance as some kind of historic artefact, but as a vital bulwark of freedom and a bastion of liberty, which has preserved our civilisation. Since the collapse of the Soviet Union, we have all become far too comfortable without a clear and present enemy. But the challenges are just as great – if not greater – in our more complex world. Our alliance, and the principles on which it is founded, has been allowed to drift, supported only by platitudes from many of our leaders. Our group is here to change that.

The ECR group will work to bring about a renaissance of this alliance. It was not a temporary association of convenience to meet the challenges of the Cold War but the lasting foundation of freedom and liberty – and we allow it to fade at our peril.

Ladies and Gentlemen, I believe that the motto of the Kościuszko Squadron is as valid today as it ever was and the values it embodies are as necessary now as in the darkest days of the Second World War. It could serve as a motto for the transatlantic alliance: 'For your freedom and for ours'."

ENDS

Contact: James Holtum on +32 473 861762

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